Duration
Performance: The Economy of Feminized Maintenance Work
Faith
Wilding
This
is a story about invisible hands.
This
is a story about endless work.
This
is a story about women’s work of maintenance and survival.
This
is a story about the laboring female body in the invisible feminine economy of
production and reproduction.
This
is a story about repetition, boredom, exhaustion, stress, crashes.
This
is a story about tedious, repetitive, straining, manual labor harnessed to the
speed of electronic machines.
clean,
wash, dust, wring, iron, sweep, cook, shop, phone, drive, clean, iron,
enter,
mix, drive, delete, clean, purge, wash, merge, edit, shop, fold, phone, file,
select, copy, curse, cut, sweep, paste, insert, format, iron, program, type,
assemble, cook, email, fax, cry, forward, sort, type, click, dust, clean, etc.
1.
Feminist Maintenance Performance Art:
In
recent decades, the mass deployment of electronic technology in offices and
workplaces has profoundly changed the structure of work, and the relationship
of home and work life in ways that are having particularly disturbing effects
on women. In the US, women who have
largely been concentrated in the lower echelons of the labor market--such as
clerical work, the garment industries, manufacturing and service jobs--are
increasingly being thrown out of waged labor and forced into part time
privatized telework, home-based piece work, and service labor. This situation
is once again confining many women to the private sphere of the home where they
perform double maintenance labor: that of taking care of the family, and that
of working in the global consumer economy. Made possible by automated
Information Technology (IT), and controlled by mobile capital, it is a market
economy based on just-in-time production and distribution strategies that speed
up and control the pace of work and life.
The global disappearance of secure
salaried and waged jobs does not mean the end of hard labor or tedious,
repetitive, manual maintenance work. Worldwide, much of the rote maintenance
work of keyboarding, data entry, electronic parts assembly, and service labor
is still done manually, predominantly by women. But the spread of automated
machinery into the workplace and the hidden nature of homework and telework is
contributing to making women’s work and women’s laboring bodies invisible
again.
Recently, cyberfeminists have begun
to meet, both face to face and electronically, to begin to strategize ways of
analyzing, revealing, and transforming women’s current relationship to IT, as
well as intervening in the replication of traditional gender structures in
electronic culture. Later in this presentation I will suggest some ways in
which these concerns relate to women’s changing labor conditions worldwide.
Before describing the current political conditions of feminized maintenance and
telework, I want to show and discuss some feminist performances from the 1970s
as a way of connecting current developments to a feminist analysis of women’s
work, and as a concrete demonstration of strategies that could serve as a
departure point for cyberfeminist activism today.
Catalyzed by the sweeping changes in
women’s work and personal lives instigated by the burgeoning women’s liberation
movement of the 1960s, some US feminist artists in the l970s created pioneering
performance and installation pieces that made visible women’s laboring bodies
and their daily maintenance work--the repetitive, endless, unpaid work that
sustains and makes possible the daily lives of individuals, families, and
institutions. This performance art was inspired by groundbreaking studies like
Simone de Beauvior’s TheSecond Sex, and
Betty Friedan’s TheFeminine Mystique, which
analyzed the cultural, economic, and political construction of women’s gender
roles, the traditional division of labor, and the increasing rebellion of
(mostly middle-class) women against their confinement to the private sphere of
the home.
The landmark feminist collaborative
artwork Womanhouse was produced by students and teachers of the
California Institute of the Arts in three months from November l971 to February
l972. Womanhouse was installed in a family dwelling house on
a residential street in Hollywood, Los Angeles. To create the work, art
students had to leave the (public) academy and enter the domestic, private
space of (women’s) domestic life. The artists of Womanhouse examined and
commented on the content, forms, and history of gender roles and of women’s
work in the home, and delved into the complex socio/political, emotional, and
psychic dynamics and relations that have constituted women’s separate sphere in
the division of labor. This installation revealed the complex entwinements of
laborious work and pleasurable craft; of boring repetition and painstaking
skill; of rebellious confinement and loving nurturance. The different rooms in
which these dramas of everyday life were enacted tell their own tales of
obsession, beauty, joy, anger, fear, and repression. The kitchen, the dinin
groom, the bathroom, the sheet closet--every space is crammed with the evidence
of women’s life-sustaining labor that is invisible to the public world.
The performances created for Womanhouse also centered around domestic gender roles and women’s
maintenance labor, such as scrubbing, ironing, dishwashing, applying
make-up. These performances introduced
the duration maintenance performance--the actual performance of a domestic task
such as ironing a sheet, scrubbing a floor, etc. that lasts as long as the
real-life task--thus compelling the audience to experience the real-time tedium
of women’s maintenance work. The psychological experience of women’s domestic
service was addressed in Faith Wilding’s “Waiting” performance, which condensed
a woman’s entire life into a monotonous, repetitive monologue; her maintenance
task is one of endlessly providing female reproduction and family service that
erases all traces of her own agency.
Working in New York, Mierle Ukeles
Laderman developed her own maintenance performances. Her Maintenance Art
Manifesto describes maintenance activity as consisting of Personal, General,
and Earth Maintenance. As part of her performances she interviewed people from
more than 50 different classes and occupations, including maids, sanitation
men, grocery workers, nurses, doctors, clerical workers, movie stars, and
artists. She asked: “What do you think maintenance is? How do you feel about
spending whatever parts of your life you spend on maintenance activities? What
is the relationship between maintenance and freedom? What is the relationship
between maintenance and art’s dreams?”
In Ukeles’ performance “Washing
Tracks” at the Wadsworth Atheneum in l973, the artist spent 4 hours in the
morning washing the steps and outside plaza of the museum, and 4 hours in the
afternoon, cleaning and washing the floors in the exhibition spaces of the
museum. About this performance Miwon Kwon has written: “The appearance of
timelessness and eternal stasis [of the museum], or simple orderliness, in
fact, requires work. It requires the kind of work that not only erases the
marks of bodies and time, such as dirt, dust, and decay, but work that
continuously erases the marks of its own labor (including the body of the
laborer). It’s the kind of work that renders itself invisible, and is rendered
invisible, in order to make other things (“real” work?) possible.” (1)
Ukeles’ subsequent performances, in
which she became artist-in-residence with the New York Sanitation Department
and addressed the issues of waste, sanitation, and garbage collection, point to
the intricate webs of maintenance work that connect the private household with
urban, regional, national, and global maintenance and disposal systems.
Thus feminist maintenance and
duration performances were a strategy to make women’s labor visible, and to
foreground issues of working conditions, the gender division of labor, unpaid
labor, and agency in women’s domestic work and lives.
2.
The Political Conditions of Homebased Telework
(Note:
Many of the particulars of this lecture refer to conditions in the US, but they
are also applicable to many Western European countries, Canada, and Australia.)
Recently,
cyberfeminist theorists, activists, and artists have been addressing the role
of women in the history of computer development, and the contemporary gender
constructions embedded in the new technologies. In “The Future Looms,”
cyberfeminist Sadie Plant exemplifies some of the more wildly utopian claims
that have been made for women in technology: “After the war games of the l940s,
women and machines escape the simple service of man to program their own
designs and organize themselves; leaking from the reciprocal isolations of home
and office, they melt their networks together in the l990s.” (2) This free
mythical realm--neither home nor workplace--presumably is cyberspace, which is
imagined as a brave new world for women. Would it were so! But alas, research
reveals a far more complex situation for most women who work in the high tech
industries. This section of my talk will attempt to describe the political and
economic conditions of contemporary female office and home-based teleworkers,
and the regressive effects on women’s roles in the home (and of the home in the
market economy) caused by the displacement of large numbers of employed women
who have been forced back into the “informal” (part-time and home work) labor
economy by the global restructuring of work.
Such an analysis of “women’s work” must take note of women’s dual roles
as producers and reproducers in (unpaid) domestic and waged labor.
When women first started entering
the waged labor market, their traditional gender roles of maintenance and
service were easily translated into the division of labor in offices, banks,
and many other work places. Beginning
in the late l890s women increasingly became the majority of copyclerks,
typists, calculators, stenographers, switchboard operators, bookkeepers,
clerical workers, filing clerks, bank tellers, keypunchers, and data enterers.
When automated office technology was introduced in the 70s, women also became
the majority of computer users in offices and work-places. Because such a high
percentage of employed women (43%) are clerical workers, it is important to
study the effects of the deployment of information technology on clerical work.
Researchers have noted the differences in how women and men use computers:
“women seemed to have acquired computer skills that leave them doing very
different jobs than men who use computers.” (3) These skills tend to be the
rote entry, filing, and maintenance of data, done in isolation in front of a
terminal. No particular new skills or knowledge are needed for this work, and
most companies never invest the money to train women clerical workers in more
advanced computer techniques that would give them a chance to climb the
internal company job ladders. They are condemned both to mental and physical
repetitive stress syndromes to such a degree that the turnover in clerical
workers is almost 100% in many offices.
In the 1990s many of these clerical
jobs are being replaced by automated computers and networks of robotic
machines. Secretaries and clerical workers are the first casualties of the
electronic office. Lacking advanced skills and knowledge capital, these
displaced women workers often have no other choice than to resort to
low-skilled part time work, or home-based telework. Such “home-work” includes
different kinds of work ranging from professional telecommuting,
entrepreneurial businesses, salaried employment, and self-employed freelance
work, to (often illegal) garment and needle industries, electronic parts assembly, and clerical
computer work. While for some upper-echelon female white collar workers and
professionals telecommuting has become part of their job and enhances their
value as employees, for the great majority of other casualties of electronic
joblessness, the forced “choice” of
home work is a big step down--measured in terms of wages, benefits, and
working conditions--even from clerical work in an office, and usually amounts
to nothing short of the enslaved maintenance work that keeps global capital’s
production lines and data-banks speeding along. Opportunities are especially bad for women of color and
immigrants, who tend to be concentrated in jobs with the lowest level of skills
most affected by office automation.
In order to address the political
conditions of office and homework in the 90s, cyberfeminists need to analyze
the mechanisms by which "women's work,” "feminized labor" and
"the home work economy” have become a central issue in the worldwide
restructuring of labor, and in the increased division between the wealthy and
the poor--those who have access and those who do not.
Home
work is feminized labor
Feminized
home work is a structural feature of the contemporary US telework, data-entry,
and service economies, as well as an aspect of the global sweatshop economy
(which includes all kinds of assembly work), and the computer chip and
electronic parts manufacturing industry. “To be feminized means to be made
extremely vulnerable; able to be disassembled, reassembled, exploited as a
reserve labor force; seen less as workers than as servers; subjected to time
arrangements on and off the paid job that make a mockery of a limited work day;
leading an existence that always borders on being obscene, out of place, and
reducible to sex.”(4) Rather than
retrain redundant clerical workers,
many offices and workplaces have begun to bring in “superclerics” who
combine professional and clerical functions - a restructuring of work that
downgrades and feminizes professional work, and in turn lowers the pay level
and satisfaction of the job.
Ironically, much of the automated technology was designed to replace the
rote maintenance labor--mostly performed by women--in offices and factories,
and the resultant displacement of women from the public workplace, and the
renewed invisibility of their work, has had the effect of devaluing women’s
labor and home-making services even more, both financially and emotionally.
Studies have shown that women who work outside the home have better mental and
physical health because paid outside work offers them more self-esteem,
control, and social ties.
Home
work sustains the gendered division of labor
It
is hardly news that home-based work in industrialized nations has historically
been extremely exploitive. The global restructuring of work manifests locally,
and home work usefully demonstrates “problems in capital-labor relations and in
the gendered division of labor.”(5) Telework is defined as “work delivered to
the worker via telecommunications as opposed to the worker going where the work
is.” “Home-based” telework refers to the individual working in the home, rather
than in a centralized location. Surveys show that teleworkers are 5 times as
likely as other workers to be women and to be working illegally, without
benefits or insurance. Teleworkers are often not trained in the proper uses of
machines and materials, or informed of the health hazards of certain processes.
They are paid by the piece--even by the keystroke--rather than by the hour, and
the pressure to speed up production and work longer hours is motivated by
economic necessity rather than by the employer. There is never time to retrain
for higher levels of work, or to get the education to participate in the more
lucrative work of knowledge production and management. For example, although women were central as
early developers of software, after it became evident that software was the
lucrative part of computer technology, they were increasingly demoted to coding
and keystroking functions, and have not been able to regain their early level
of participation.
Home
work reinforces women’s subordinate status in the home and labor markets
Despite the much discussed separation of
public and private spheres, the history of home work clearly shows that public
power (capital) has been used to structure the private lives and control work
opportunities for women. Add to this
the fact that the new communications technologies have opened the home space to
the world, and conversely have brought the world into the private space of the
home, and we get a blurring of boundaries that allows surveillance of the
home-based worker and “makes the home more accessible to employers, marketers,
and politicians.” (6) Women teleworkers become industrialized women, while
women in waged jobs become Taylorized homemakers. In her study of the interplay
of time spent at work and at home by the workers at Amerco in the US,
sociologist Arlie Hochschild noted that: “[people]...become their own efficiency
experts, gearing all the moments and movements of their lives to the
workplace.” (7) For home-based teleworkers there is no distinction between home
and workplace, with the result that when both personal and worklife become
Taylorized they have no escape. For
women who have often been forced to “choose” home-based work because of the
lack of childcare options--a common problem for illegal aliens, for
example--home-based telework therefore amounts to a doubling of their bondage
to the home space. The blurring of boundaries in the home-space between private
and public also often places the woman in a doubled psychological
subordination--to her employers and to her husband. The traditional feminine
roles of emotional caregiving and physical caretaking become entwined with her
externally controlled, maintenance telework in the home. In the long run,
female rebellion against these pressures could have the effect of redefining
the division of male and female labor, and of repositioning the importance of home
life and private free time within the public economy and social relations. In
the short run, since home life has no recognized public economic value, it is
being more and more curtailed, automated where possible, and reorganized to
serve the needs of paid work; and women who work at home have the doubled role
of worker and caregivers.
Home
work undercuts progressive labor conditions and standards
The geographic mobility of capital made
possible by IT uses waged labor, which is space-bound, with the result that
geographical areas are increasingly reduced to the status of a captive labor
pool. While this makes new modes of production (especially home telework)
possible, it does not challenge “the place of the home in the economy, or of
women in the home” (8).
The
home space and the female working in it under the sign of “choice” actually
become the site of regressive labor practices and intrusions of outside control
made possible by the dissemination and flexibility of the very information
technology that now immobilizes and isolates the woman worker. This isolation
also contributes to women’s increasing marginalization in the computer
sciences, and to the stratification of women in the computer industry between a
small percentage of highly skilled engineers, scientists, systems analysts and
knowledge workers, and the vast numbers of low-paid, low skilled computer
workers. It is this great disparity and
its concomitant economic and political consequences that cyberfeminists need to
study and address.
I’m
the Total Quality woman. I am the culturally engineered, downsized, outsourced,
teleworked, deskilled, Taylorized mom, just-in-time, take-out, time-saving,
time-starved, emotionally downsized, down-right tired...
My
home is my work, my work is my home.
I
work with machines; I live with machines; I love with machines;
computer, modem, TV, VCR, printer, scanner,
refrigerator, washing machine, dryer, vacuum cleaner, cars telephones, fax
machine, hairdryer, vibrator, CD player, radio, pencil sharpener, blender,
mixer, toaster, microwave, cell phone, tape recorder...
Just-in-time
conception,just-in-time production, just-in-time delivery, just-in-time
assembly, just-in-time laundry, just-in-time dinner, just-in-time childcare,
just-in-time quality time, just-in-time sex, just-in-time pleasure,
just-in-time pain, just-in-time stress, just-in-time insanity, just-in-time
sacrifice, just-in-time drugs, just-in-time death.
3. Activism, Intervention, Resistance
The
political conditions of home-based telework I’ve outlined pose questions about
the effects of restructuring work for women in the integrated circuit: Will
this reorganization of work further
stratify jobs by race, ethnicity, and gender?
Will the changes in work structures “reproduce existing patterns of inequality
in only slightly changed forms, perhaps leading to different, more subtle forms
of inequality?” (9)
What are possible points of
intervention, resistance, and/or activism for cyberfeminists and artists (among
whom I include myself) working with computer technology? On the micro level, it
is time to educate ourselves thoroughly about these conditions, and to
disseminate this information as widely as possible through the different
cultural and political venues in which we work. We must rethink the contexts in which computers are used, and
question the particular needs and relations of women to computer technology. We
must try to understand the mechanisms by which women get allocated to
lower-paid occupations or industries, and make visible the gender-tracking that
obtains in scientific fields of work. For example, many women tend not to
choose certain fields because of the “male culture” that is associated with
them.
Cyberfeminists could use the model of the recent feminist art
project “Informationsdienst” to create “Information Works” that address the
political conditions of telework, and
make visible how the deployment of
IT is affecting the restructuring of work and the loss of jobs in the market
economy worldwide. (10) A teleworker’s bill of information and rights,
disseminated to offices and private homes through a webpage on the Internet
could also clarify the linked chains of “women’s work” and working conditions
for women worldwide. A “Home work School” on the Internet and in local community
centers--taught and organized by home working women (many of whom are
increasingly artists, single mothers, poor urban black women, immigrants, and
displaced older women)--could offer (free) classes in everything from the
politics of the new global labor economy and its effects on women’s lives and
work, to feminist history, and creative and practical lessons in upgrading
computer skills. Wired women need to form new unions that bring together women
computer engineers, analysts, managers, programmers, clerks and artists. We
need to form coalitions with immigrant rights groups that are interested in
computer literacy. The classical
tactics of organizing to improve working conditions must be translated into new
forms which take into account the decentralization and reprivatization of
workers, and subvert the already established communication chains of IT to
reach and organize the people displaced by it. The creative ideas of
cyberfeminist artists experienced in computer networking could be especially
useful here.
On the macro level, cyberfeminists need to initiate a visible
resistance to the politically regressive consequences of relegating women back
to the homework economy and imposing on them the privatized, invisible, double
burden of labor. Many libertarians, economists, and labor leaders are
addressing the social isolation and economic privation suffered by millions of
casualties of electronic joblessness by calling for the creation of socially
productive jobs with a guaranteed annual income (or a social wage) for workers
displaced by automation. They are also supporting moves for a shorter workweek,
for job sharing, for more equal distribution of knowledge and maintenance work,
and calling for corporations that benefit from the global market economy made
possible by IT to return some of this great wealth to support a Third Sector of
social and community work. While many of these demands seem desirable steps
toward a more equitable labor economy, in practice they amount to a social
welfare tax, and do nothing to challenge the intense stratification and
concentration of wealth and power, increasingly produced by the global market
economy, with devastating effects, on already marginalized, impoverished, and
invisible populations, and on women. Cyberfeminists need to analyze the effects
such schemes might perpetuate on the gender division of labor. Will women
continue to be concentrated in the low-paying “caring” and social maintenance
jobs which double and extend their housekeeping “skills” to the whole community?
Or will we fight to have such socially productive work be revalued by awarding
it decent salaries, benefits, and job security? Such work should be
acknowledged as vital to the survival of human life and should be highly
rewarded--not just monetarily, but also by granting workers the greatest
autonomy in planning and structuring the work, by having them determine working
conditions, pay, benefits, and hours. Above all, we must rejoin the fight that
was never won: the re-valuing--by way of decent wages, benefits, and improved
labor conditions--of the human work of child-rearing and family care-giving
that is vital to the productive lives of all human beings. If such maintenance
work were liberally rewarded, and balanced with adequate free time and educational
and social opportunities, it would be work attractive to both men and women,
and could do much to substantially change traditional domestic--and paid
labor--gender roles.
Given
the groundbreaking changes IT is causing in the relationship of home to work,
and in the place of the home (and private life) in pan-capitalist economies,
some radical rethinking must take place about women’s changing conditions in
both the domestic sphere and the public economy. The suggestion that the home should again become a locale of
resistance to capitalism’s predatory effects on privacy, sociality, and free
time may be a regressive one for women, because it treats these problems as
private ones with private solutions. The utopian promises claimed for IT--for
example, the possibility of being freed from never-ending repetitive work and
heavy manual labor; the drastic reduction of working time for all people and
the concomitant expansion of self-managed free time--must be skeptically
countered with a critique of the ways in which IT has actually increased work
time and has eroded aspects of the pleasure and meaning to be found in
work--such as sociability, worker solidarity, job security, and pride in
skills. This critique should be
combined with vocal opposition to and denunciation of the reintroduction of
regressive labor conditions and policies for workers worldwide. It is crucial
that we address the human sacrifice that the worldwide proliferation of
home-based telework and sweatshop labor causes for millions, predominantly
women. The wide social indifference to such vast inequities once again renders
invisible the life-sustaining unpaid or underpaid maintenance work performed by
women.
I dream of a new generation of young
women--wired and inspired--who will use the knowledge and experience gained
from past liberation movements to work for a new vision of justice, and dare I
say it, freedom, for all women and men.
Notes:
1.
Miwon Kwon, “In Appreciation of Invisible Work,” Documents No. 10, Fall
l997: 17.
2.
Sadie Plant, “The Future Looms,”Clicking
In: Hot Links to a Cool Culture, ed. Lynn Hershman. San Francisco: Bay
Press, l997: 123.
3.
Barbara Gutek, “Clerical Work and Information Technology,” Women and Technology, ed.
Urs E. Gattiker. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, l994: 206.
4.
Donna Haraway, “A Cyborg Manifesto,” Simians,
Cyborgs, and Women, New York: Routledge, l985: 166.
5.
Andrew Calabrese “Home-based Telework,”Women
and Technology . ed. Urs E. Gattiker. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, l994: l77.
6.
Ibid. 163, 169.
7. Arlie Hochschild, The Time Bind , New York: Henry Holt and Company, l997: 49
8.
Calabrese, 179.
9.
Evelyn Nakano Glenn and Charles Tolbert II, “Technology and Emerging Patterns
of Stratification for Women of Color,” Women,
Work, and Technology. Ed. Barbara
Drygulsky Wright, et al. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press: 320.
10. See Sabeth Buchman, “Information Service:
Info-Work,” October No. 71, Winter,
l995: 103 ff.